In a first phase, we carried out a bibliographical research showing the traditional games of Kabylie. At the same time, we undertook a field survey, which consists in collecting the games using classic sociological tools such as: participant observation, field notes, interview semi-directive where individual had the freedom to describe the game and their function.
The field investigation consisted of conducting interviews based on a game observation sheet developed by Pierre Parlebas. It is a descriptive grid whose variables relate to data (spatial, material used, game flow, game structure, and player behavior). (Parlebas, 1990, p.192–p.212). These interviews are semi-direct, and the questions are extracted from the observation sheet prepared by Parlebas (1990). They are conducted with people from the observed village, and supplemented with observation of their daily lifestyle. The collection of traditional games, which consists of exhuming the ancient games of memories, sometimes exposes to mockery and smiles. Such a lack of knowledge and the discredit of the game have only made us more tenacious and determined to continue our search, to reveal its richness.
From the materials thus collected, we opted for an analysis centered on Parlebas’ sports game theory. This refers to the study of the internal logic of observed practices, defined by Parlebas as a system of relevant features of a motor situation and which manifests itself in all forms of relationships with others, with space, object, and time (Parlebas, 1981).
The standard analytical sheet played a primordial role in the methodological process of data analysis, on the one hand because it collects the identifying features of the internal logic of each play situation, on the other hand because it simplifies the deciphering and interpretation of the results. We thus have ninety-two cards that are like identity cards for the games studied.
In all, our analysis covered a corpus of 92 games that were submitted for analysis, which allowed us to classify the play activities and distribute them over the eight categories of the classification of motor situations used in praxiology.
Finally, and to highlight the socio-cultural aspects of the games, we used the crossover of data from the internal logic of these games and those of the “external logic” that attributes new or unusual symbolic meanings to it (Parlebas, 1981). This external logic is none other than the set of socio-cultural relationships that reveal the social representations and symbols experienced in the games.
The distribution of ninety-two sportive games from the Kabylie region according to the classification named “S3 simplex” makes it possible to consider the results of the Figure 1.
Figure 1. Classification of traditional sportive games according to the S3 simplex. These are the set of eight parts of the (IPA) set organized by the inclusion relationship. This simplex was chosen because it allows a better visualization of the resources of this classification. (I): The intervention of an uncertainty due to the interaction with the material environment, (P): the intervention of an uncertainty born from the interaction with partner (s) and (A): the intervention of an uncertainty created by the interaction with opponent (s).
Some Significant Results of Traditional Sports and Games in Kabylie
According to the Figure 2 we note that among the eight categories of the classification, (33%) of the games played belong to the class (P, A), games in the presence of partners and opponents in a stable environment. (13%) are solo games and without uncertainty of the environment (category “Ø”). Among these games, we can cite as an example the game Redjma (Target shooting) which is played during major events (parties, weddings, circumcision, ceremonies, etc.). Group games are more numerous (35%) than individual games (17%), games of strict opposition are more numerous (34%) than games of strict cooperation (14%). On the other hand, the games in environments with uncertainty are much reduced; 20% compared to 80% games in semi domestic space.
Figure 2. Distribution of ninety-two games in the Kabylie region according to the S3 simplex.
Distribution of Games According to the “Sex” Criterion
We note in Figure 3, that more than two thirds of sports games are male games, 66% as opposed to 29% of female games. Mixed games hold the minimum portion of 4%. This clear superiority of male practices over mixed practices confirms the separation of the sexes in Kabylie society. Man and woman belong to two distinct worlds. We could also explain this observation by the age factor. Girls stop playing at the age of 12. Beyond this age, they prepare for the life of a woman. While the boys continue their playing activity beyond the age of 16.
Figure 3. Distribution of games by sex.
The separation of the games is due to the sexual division. The division of space and the division of labor, even if it is not rigid, are opposed to mixed sex as Camille Lacoste-Dujardin states in the following words:. “They don’t have the same habit, the same custom, and do not have the same thinking. They don’t even speak the same language anymore.” (Lacoste-Dujardin, 1970, p.65). To the question: “Why don’t you play with the boys?” One girl explains: “We only play with girls because it is shameful to play with boys.
” The term “shameful” indicates the notion of honor (Hurma), which according to Bourdieu means the whole of what “haram” is to say prohibited, in short the sacred, to which every person must be attached by- above all, as a precious and cherished value (El azz). To play with the other sex is to break the Hurma, which is a fundamental moral of Kabylie life. In terms of values, men are required to maintain the Hurma’s strength and safeguard their family and land, and women are to protect the honor of the group.
Pierre Bourdieu points out that this sexual division is a territorial division: “Clear distinction between the female space, the house and its garden, place of excellence of the Haram, closed space, secret, protected from intrusions, and looks. The male space, the Thajma’th, place of assembly, the mosque, the café, the fields, or the market. On the one hand, the secret of intimacy all veiled in modesty. On the other, the open space of social relations, political, and religious life” (Bourdieu, 1972, p.9).